Compiled by Women Science Students and Science Faculty and Staff at NECUSE
Colleges* and Based Upon Initial Work by Students at Brown University
Funded by NECUSE
Published by the Office of the Dean of the College at Brown University
June 1996
*The New England Consortium for Undergraduate Science Education: Amherst College, Bates
College, Bowdoin College, Brown University, Colby College, College of the Holy Cross,
Dartmouth College, Harvard University, Middlebury College, Mount Holyoke College, Smith
College, Trinity College, Wellesley College, Wesleyan University, Williams College, Yale
University
Preface
Shift from a Competitive to a Cooperative Educational Model
Consider a Variety of Examination Options
Encourage Active Participation in Labs
Fight Narrow Stereotypes of Science and Scientists
Works Cited and Other References
The idea for this handbook originated in a Group Independent Study Project (GISP) on gender distinctions in science education at Brown University. The GISP, organized by students concerned about the under-representation of women in science, was designed to examine the role that science education plays in that under-representation. The GISP's goals were to determine the causes of high attrition rates in the undergraduate "pipeline" in science, math, and engineering for women, and to find solutions to decrease the number of students leaving these fields. The GISP's work included case studies of introductory science classes at Brown, surveys of syllabi and textbooks used in science classrooms, a survey of literature on the history of women in science and current research on gender and science education, and interviews with male and female science faculty.
In order to examine issues of science education and women in science at other schools, students in the GISP assembled a conference of students from the New England Consortium for Undergraduate Science Education (NECUSE) schools in April 1993; NECUSE supports science education efforts at sixteen colleges and universities in New England. Further consultation with NECUSE faculty members occurred at a second NECUSE meeting on women in science held at Middlebury College in January 1994 and at a third NECUSE-sponsored meeting on Minorities in Science Education held at Smith College in January, 1995. This handbook was produced with funding from NECUSE.
Further input on this handbook came from faculty and staff at Brown University who have been involved in a Sloan Foundation seminar series on inclusiveness in science education. Funding from the Sloan Foundation has also helped to support other initiatives to improve science education and to increase awareness of issues concerning gender and race in science at Brown; these initiatives have included science curriculum development by faculty, student-faculty collaboration to redesign science courses, and informational visits to individual science departments. Feedback and experiences from all these programs contributed greatly to the ideas found in this handbook.
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Attrition of women from science is well documented. (NSF, April, 1989. Siebert, 1992. NRC, 1991.) Although both men and women leave the "pipeline" along the way, studies have repeatedly shown that a higher percentage of women leave, especially during the undergraduate years.
A common assumption is that students who leave the sciences are less able in the sciences than those who continue. The number of students graduating with SME (science, math and engineering) degrees is therefore believed to be determined by the quality of the students within the pipeline. However, many studies have shown that ability is not always the deciding factor in determining a college major.
Switchers [from SME fields] and nonswitching seniors did not appear to differ ... in ability. They shared strong similarities in their self-reported mean GPA scores (Seymour 1992b).
Most switchers did not have more conceptual difficulties with science and mathematics, or inclination to work less hard, than the non-switchers (Seymour 1992a).
A number of factors contribute to the high attrition for women (and under-represented minority men) in science.
Aspects of the structure and culture of SME [Science, Mathematics and Engineering] departments and engineering schools inadvertently encourage attrition and impede retention efforts, for the whole student population and for important subsets of it (Seymour 1992a).
In this handbook we describe the aspects of culture that researchers believe contribute to attrition from SME majors, and we give concrete suggestions for addressing each of these issues. If implemented, these changes may prevent very capable students from leaving the sciences and may also attract students initially not involved in the sciences. We hope that this handbook will help faculty members become more aware of the issues that affect women in science and will provide them with ideas on how to address these issues in their own classrooms.
Many of the changes suggested here are based upon sociological, psychological, and educational research on gender differences with regard to science learning and attrition from science. To the authors of this document, these differences imply that to teach for equality we must first recognize that teaching habits differentially affect various populations in our classrooms.
It has been argued by many educators that by using teaching techniques that recognize a variety of learning styles in our classrooms, we would not serve only women but would attract more students, including men, who are not learning under the standard lecture-style, large-class, science education system. Some faculty who have considered the challenge of teaching for a more diverse "audience" have claimed that more inclusive teaching is simply good teaching. We believe this to be largely true, with two caveats. First, some suggestions (such as out-of-classroom strategies) have less to do with good classroom teaching and more to do with creating a welcoming climate. Second, by concentrating on good teaching alone, we often ignore gender-related differences.
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Studies have shown that there are gender differences in communication styles in the classroom (Hall, 1982). In general, men tend to respond to questions more confidently, aggressively, and quickly, regardless of the quality of their responses; they tend to speak more freely and spontaneously in class, formulating their answers as they speak. Women, on the other hand, tend to wait longer to respond to a question in class, choosing their words carefully, reflecting on the question and constructing an answer before they speak.
These studies have also shown that women tend to be interrupted more frequently than men; when this happens, they get the message that their contributions are not as valuable, and they may hesitate to join discussions in the future.
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When students were asked what they disliked about large classes, women tended to respond that such courses were impersonal, that the professor didn't know who they were, and that they felt isolated. In a study of "Student Perceptions of Problems In Undergraduate Teaching Methods by Sex" (Hewitt 1991), thirty percent of women surveyed listed "professors don't care about you" as a problem, but no men listed this as a problem. Students were also asked to give characteristics of a good professor. Many women replied that a good professor was approachable, friendly, and wanted to know the students. Often, because women are used to direct encouragement and personal feedback from high school teachers, upon reaching college they feel that learning is more difficult as a result of a lack of close contact with faculty (Seymour 1992b).
The size and demographics of a college science class may be quite different from what students experienced in high school. It may be hard for women to make friends with the men of the class when they find themselves in the minority. As a result, there can be a level of formality and awkwardness in the classroom which deters women from asking questions. Even asking what students may deem to be "stupid" questions is a much less daunting prospect when surrounded by friends.
Encouragement of the use of study groups can be done by simply stating at the beginning of the course that study groups are encouraged, or by assigning projects or lab work to be done in groups. Another option may be to give an assignment early in the semester for which consultation among class members is highly encouraged, or even required. This may provide the push necessary to start students working together and to stay working together for the remainder of the course.
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It is a common belief among first-year students that introductory science classes are "weedouts," and that such courses are designed to eliminate those students in the class who are not deemed "fit" to be in science. The perception of a "weeding out" atmosphere discourages many interested students from pursuing science in college. Some faculty members believe that "a lack of certain attributes of ability and/or character distinguishes those who leave SME majors from those who remain in them. Widespread acceptance of this theory allows SME schools and departments ... to regard their leaving as a kind of 'natural selection' process" (Seymour 1992). In fact, studies have repeatedly shown (Astin et al. 1987, 1988, Green 1989, Seymour, 1992a) that many students who leave the sciences are intelligent and strongly motivated, but are discouraged by the competitive atmosphere and the belief that the department is trying to judge their abilities at an early stage. Although many classes are designed to set students in competition, students often respond more positively to an atmosphere of cooperative learning. In her research, Elaine Seymour found that over a third of the students switching out of a science, math or engineering field indicated that one of their primary reasons for leaving was that their "morale was undermined by competitive culture" (Seymour 1993).
Cooperative learning is an approach to learning which uses small groups of students working together to solve problems, complete a task or accomplish a common goal. "Small groups provide a forum in which students ask questions, discuss ideas, make mistakes, learn to listen to others' ideas, offer constructive criticism, and summarize their discoveries in writing (NCTM 1989)."
Faculty who teach introductory science courses should address the weedout perception so that students are not "scared away" from science for reasons other than their abilities and interests. By shifting the pedagogical focus away from a competitive, "weeding out" model to a cooperative, welcoming, and stimulating model we are likely to retain more talented students. There are several ways to shift this focus:
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Exams in college are usually graded on a curve. Students in introductory science courses often panic and become discouraged when they receive their first exam grades, not realizing that there is a scale. Grades that are in fact above average may appear to be "bad" especially in comparison to grades received in high school. Women in particular "may develop extremely, perhaps even excessively, high standards for themselves as a prerequisite for staying in science" (Ware et al. 1985).
Students' different learning styles may also cause them difficulties with exams. A student's performance on an exam is not only an indicator of the student's understanding of the course material but also of the student's response to a particular exam style and time constraints.
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Women tend to be more passive in labs at coed colleges. This may be due to gender differences in socialization (whereby boys are more exposed to mechanical toys than girls). Observations of women at women's colleges indicate that they become more engaged in labs than their counterparts at coed colleges, suggesting that greater encouragement by faculty and careful planning of lab teams can increase engagement by women in labs.
While labs give students the opportunity to apply their knowledge of the subject, students often fail to see the connection between lab and lecture. As a learning tool, students expect labs to reinforce the material learned in lecture.
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Students are deterred from considering science as a career because of negative or narrowly defined images of scientists presented by the media and society in general. When hundreds of ninth and tenth graders were asked to draw a scientist, almost all drew pictures of a "nerdy" white male with a beard and glasses wearing a white lab coat (Gardner et al. 1989). With limited images of women as scientists, it is hard for young girls and women to imagine themselves in the field. On the other hand, knowing a scientist personally may make a woman much more likely to pursue her interests in the sciences: in an informal survey by the GISP at Brown University, the most important factor determining whether a woman will pursue science as a career was the vocation of her mother and or father.
Many people also have negative and narrow images of science as a discipline, career or a course of study. Many young people see the study of science (not medicine) as leading primarily to a field in the military. This is illustrated by numerous examples drawn from the military in college textbooks and in the media's portrayal of science. While this may be a positive connection, it probably appeals to more men then women and may give the impression that science has a very narrow range of applications.
The positive benefits of S&E [science and engineering] research and development have not been the primary focus of the public image, nor have science and engineering been viewed by the public as ennobling careers. (NAS 1989)
Students frequently believe that science classes are too difficult and too time consuming, without seeing the potential benefits of science or where a particular science course fits in the "big picture." This deters some students who are undecided in their area of study from ever taking a science class.
It is difficult to counter stereotypes that are so ubiquitous. Nevertheless, some steps can be taken:
Science education should ... emphasize life learning and life skills. The perceived relevance of scientific process and content to everyday life experiences is a factor in science interest and participation at both the pre-college and collegiate levels (Gardner et al. 1989).
Labs and sections are often an effective place to stress such applications if they relate directly to the coursework (See also Encourage Active Participation in Labs).
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Women need exposure to male and female mentors for all the reasons stated in previous steps. Many undergraduates and women in science cite the importance of their male role models or mentors in assisting them in their pursuit of a science career. While men have been important colleagues, advocates, role models, and mentors for women scientists, women students also need exposure to women who are successful in SME fields. It is still a long held belief that,
The 'old boy network' which draws promising male students into research projects and mentored relationships with faculty ... tends to exclude women (Seymour 1992b).
In addition, there are a lack of female and male role models in science who have successfully balanced work and outside interests. Often college women are thinking ahead to their hopes for children and a family, but cannot find many role models who are women and mothers, and who manage to balance the needs of both job and family life. More and more undergraduates, both men and women, are looking for examples of scientists who pursue interests outside of the lab without sacrificing their careers.
When students see people like themselves in a field, they are much more likely to create goals for themselves within that field because it appears more accessible. Women students need exposure to women with a variety of lifestyles who are successful in SME fields so they can believe science is accessible to all, especially people like themselves.
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Some students perceive that faculty are too busy to talk or meet with them. In a study by Nancy Hewitt and Elaine Seymour, 12% of men and 20% of women indicated that "professors have no time for students" citing this as a problem in undergraduate science courses (Hewitt 1991). Conversely, many of the professors interviewed by students in the GISP project did not feel this was the case. The faculty complained that very few students came to office hours even though this was time intentionally set aside for their students. It may be that professors are not communicating their interests accurately or adequately to the students. However, a professor's willingness to provide help is not the only factor influencing a student's decision to seek help from any particular faculty member or graduate TA. There are often other factors present that ultimately deter students from getting the help they need.
Also, arriving at a closed door during "open hours" may make students feel that they are interrupting you, even when they arrive during office hours.
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Women in our society often have an extrinsic sense of self worth; that is they have a tendency, more so than men, to place a higher value on what others think of them. In addition, women are "more likely to fix the blame internally -- to cite their own inadequacy as the source of difficulty" when encountering problems; whereas "men [tend] to place responsibility for difficulties outside themselves" (Ware et al. 1985). A male student's response to a poor test grade, therefore, may be to blame the examination as a poor judge of his knowledge or to blame the professor for inadequately preparing him for the examination. Women are more likely to believe they are unintelligent when they receive just one bad exam grade and are in general less confident of their performance. Subsequently they make important decisions, such as the decision to change majors, based on either an inaccurate appraisal of their performance or on an insufficient amount of data, such as one poor test grade. In fact, in a study of undergraduate biology majors, Marsha Lakes Matyas determined that the women in her sample had higher average GPAs than men, but dropped the major at a greater rate because of personal factors (Matyas 1988). Between 70% and 80% of females who switched out of the science track felt discouraged and suffered a loss of self-esteem even though their grades were the same as those of men (Seymour 1993).
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